Act one · A small room in Minneapolis
You are four years old. Somebody has brought you to a quiet room on a university campus, and everyone has been very nice about it, and now they have gone.
In front of you is a computer. The job is easy and it is extremely boring. When a piece of cheese appears, press the space bar. When a cat appears, press nothing. Cheese, cheese, cat, cheese. Then a wait. The wait is a second and a half long, which at four years old is roughly a geological era. Cheese again.
Across the room, on a low stool, there is an iPad. It is switched on. It is running a game about a small alligator who wants a bath, and the water has to be got to him through pipes, and it is one of the best games in the world. Nobody has told you not to play it. In fact they said, quite clearly, that you may go and play it whenever you like, for as long as you like, and then come back, or not.
You have ten minutes. And once every minute, from a small speaker beside the computer, a recorded voice asks you one short question.
Here is the entire experiment. That question — the same question, asked once a minute, for ten minutes — comes in three versions, and which one you get was decided before you walked in.
Version one · sixty children
“Am I working hard?”
Version two · sixty children
“Is Hannah working hard?”
Version three · sixty children
“Is Batman working hard?”
The children in version three got to choose a character first — Batman, Bob the Builder, Rapunzel, or Dora the Explorer — and then they got the costume. A cape, if you chose Batman. And for ten minutes a voice asked, once a minute, whether Batman was working hard.
The three versions are not three different questions. They are the same question at three different distances from you.
Instrument one · the working-hard room
Run the 2017 experiment on yourself
Skippable · never scoredSixty seconds, not ten minutes. A dull job on the left, a tempting one on the right. Click a panel to move to it; the clock follows wherever you are. Every twelve seconds the speaker asks its question. Choose which version of the question you want first — then, if you like, run it again with a different one.
Which question should the speaker ask?
And who is very, very good at working hard?
The work · cheese and cats
The game · get the water down
Honest caveat: this is one person, for one minute, who already knows the hypothesis and is quite possibly trying to prove or disprove it. That is the opposite of an experiment. The real thing used a hundred and eighty children who had no idea what was being tested, and even then the difference between conditions was modest.
What happened, across a hundred and eighty children, was this. The further the question got from me, the longer children stuck with the boring job. Ask a child “am I working hard?” and they worked least. Use their own name and they worked more. Put them in a cape and ask about Batman and they worked most — a straight line running away from the self.
Not a big line. Across every condition, children spent about sixty-three per cent of the ten minutes on the iPad, because they were children and it was an iPad. Six-year-olds worked far more than four-year-olds. But the trend was real, and it survived when the researchers controlled for the children's vocabulary, their executive function and their theory of mind. It did not matter how clever you were. It mattered where you were standing when you asked.
How much of the ten minutes went on the boring job
Mean share of time on the work task, by age. Whiskers show one standard deviation — the spread between children was enormous. Dashed line: the share of time spent on the iPad, across all conditions. White et al., Child Development, 2017 (N = 180).
Act two · The same trick, on grown-ups
The obvious objection is that four-year-olds will do almost anything if you give them a cape. So here is the version for people old enough to be embarrassed.
In a psychology building at the University of Michigan, a person is told they have five minutes to prepare a speech about why they are qualified for their dream job. They may not write anything down. They will deliver it to two evaluators who have been instructed not to smile. It is a standard laboratory device for making an ordinary adult miserable, and it works.
Half of them are told to spend the preparation time working through their nerves using the word I. The other half get the same instruction with one small change:
That is the whole intervention. One pronoun. Judges who did not know which group anyone was in rated the name-users' speeches as better. The name-users felt less shame afterwards. And — this is the part that stays with me — they spent less of the following days re-running the speech in their heads. The technical phrase is post-event processing. The ordinary phrase is lying awake at 2 a.m. thinking about the thing you said.
Later work put people in a brain scanner and found that the effect arrives fast — within the first second of seeing something upsetting — and, oddly, without the fingerprints of effortful self-control. It does not look like gritting your teeth. It looks more like the picture simply arriving at a different size.
Instrument two · the distance dial
One sentence, five distances
Skippable · never scoredThink of something you have actually said to yourself in the last week or so — about a thing coming up, or a thing you did, or a thing you keep not doing. Write it the way you said it, with I in it. Nothing you type leaves this page.
The page rewrote this for you, crudely, by moving pronouns and verbs. It will get things wrong. Fix the wording until it sounds like a sentence somebody would actually say — that is part of the instrument.
Notice what the rewriting actually costs in each language. In English almost nothing moves except the pronoun. In Chinese, even less — 我 becomes 你 and the verb does not care. Spanish and French make you change the end of the verb before you are allowed to change person. Arabic changes the beginning of the word: أستطيع becomes تستطيع. The trick in this lesson is a grammar trick, and grammar is not the same everywhere — which is worth knowing before anyone tells you it is a law of the mind.
Act three · Solomon's problem
There is an old and slightly unkind observation about King Solomon: a man so wise that rulers travelled for months to put their disputes in front of him, and whose own household was a disaster. The book of Proverbs, which tradition assigns to him, contains the line “The way of a fool is right in his own eyes.”
In 2014 two researchers gave this a name and then tested it. They handed nearly seven hundred people a scenario — a partner has been unfaithful with a close friend — and asked them to reason it through. Half were told it had happened to them. Half were told it had happened to someone else.
Then the answers were scored for four things that show up whenever people reason well about a mess: do they admit the limits of what they know? do they look for a compromise? do they consider how it looks from other seats? do they allow that things might change or go several ways?
People reasoned much more wisely about someone else's disaster than their own. Then the researchers did one more thing: they asked a third group to think about their own disaster in the third person — using their name, asking “why is she feeling this way?” — and the gap closed. Not narrowed. Closed.
Which is a strange and rather cheering thought. The wisdom was never missing. It was in the room the whole time. It just could not see anything from where it was sitting.
Instrument three · Solomon's desk
Give the advice, then receive it
Skippable · never scoredA small live thing you haven't sorted out yet. Not the biggest one — a real one. Then two boxes, and the order matters.
Tick anything that turned up in what you just wrote.
And tick anything that turned up in that one.
The four marks of reasoning well, in your two answers
This counts your own ticks. It is arithmetic on checkboxes, not a judgement about you — and if the two columns look the same, that is a perfectly good result.
Act four · Is anyone actually talking in there?
All of this assumes there is a voice to change the pronoun of. Which raises a question that sounds childish and turns out not to be: when you think, does it come in words, and can you hear them?
In 1990 a researcher tried to measure the speed of inner speech. People solved problems silently, reported the clipped little fragment they'd actually thought, and then unpacked it into the full sentence it stood for. Unpacked, the rate came out at over four thousand words a minute — roughly twenty times faster than anybody can talk. It is a wonderful number and it is worth knowing exactly what it is: not a recording of your head, but a reconstruction of it, and the fragments were much shorter than the sentences they were expanded into.
In 2024 two researchers reported something stranger. They split ninety-three people by how much inner speech they said they experienced, and gave both groups four tasks. On two of them — remembering lists of words that rhyme, deciding whether two pictures rhyme — the low-inner-speech group did worse. On the other two, no difference at all. They proposed a name for having little or no inner voice: anendophasia.
And then, in 2025, the same journal published a short reply arguing that they had proved no such thing — that scoring low on a questionnaire about your inner voice is not the same as not having one, and the word had run ahead of the evidence.
Both of those are in the record. That is what a live question looks like while people are still arguing about it, and it is a much more honest picture of your inner life than any quiz that tells you what kind of thinker you are.
Instrument four · the voice check
What is it like in there?
Skippable · never scoredFirst, a small thing. Read this line without moving your lips: “the kettle has boiled.” Now: did it have a sound? A speed? Anyone's accent? Some people find an obvious answer immediately. Some people find the question faintly absurd. Both are common.
Six things this lesson is not certain about
This subject attracts more confident nonsense than any other, so here is the list of places where this edition is standing on softer ground than the storytelling implies.
1 · The effect is real and it is small
The gap between capes and no capes was about half a standard deviation. The best available summary of distancing across two hundred and thirty experiments puts the average effect at g = 0.52 — genuine, replicated, and nothing like a switch. It moves a dial. It does not change the weather.
2 · Nobody is sure why the cape works
A 2021 study with eighty five- and six-year-olds tried to isolate the ingredient by handing children a hero, a villain and a sage. The gain showed up for the sage — the character defined by being good at concentrating — and not for being good or bad. Which suggests you are not borrowing courage. You are borrowing a job description.
3 · The children were not the world
A hundred and eighty children from a university volunteer database in the Minneapolis area, nearly eighty-five per cent of them white and non-Hispanic. That is the sample. It is a real result about those children, and an open question about everybody else.
4 · The famous quote is not quite the famous quote
Talks about self-distancing love a line from LeBron James in July 2010: “what makes LeBron James happy.” What he actually said, to Michael Wilbon just after the broadcast, was “I wanted to do what was best for LeBron James and what LeBron James is going to do to make him happy.” Clumsier, more human, and the one that is in the transcript.
5 · Four thousand words a minute is a reconstruction
That figure is the expanded word count — what happens when a clipped inner fragment is written out as a full sentence. Reported carefully in 1990 and quoted carelessly ever since. Your head is fast. Nobody has clocked it at four thousand words a minute.
6 · This page is not measuring you
Five sliders, two sentences and a minute in a made-up room are not a personality, a type, a score or a diagnosis. Nothing here is stored, sent or seen by anyone else. If a page ever tells you what kind of person you are on this much evidence, close the page.
How much does stepping back actually do?
Meta-analytic effect sizes (Hedges' g) for two different manipulations on how intensely an emotion is felt. Bars right of zero mean the emotion was felt less strongly. Moran & Eyal, Personality and Social Psychology Review 26(2), 2022 — 230 distance effects, 98 abstraction effects.
Instrument five · the cape you'd lend
Somebody else's difficult morning
Skippable · never scoredOne last one, and it points outwards. There is a cape on the hook. You don't need it today. Somebody you know has something hard on this week — a test, a conversation, a first day, a hospital appointment, a room full of strangers.
You are not required to send this to anyone. But if the words came easily and you would never say them to yourself, that is worth sitting with for a second.
The mirror · not graded, not a verdict
What you actually wrote this morning
Everything below is your own words, handed back. Then one pattern — counted, not diagnosed — which you are entirely free to throw out.
One pattern, offered
—
I could have all of this wrong. I am counting characters and comparing lists. You are the one who was there.
How the idea got here
Eight questions on what actually happened
This part has right answers. Everything above it does not, and never will. That separation is the whole design.
Take it off the screen
The Twelve-Second Speaker
You need: a kitchen timer, a boring job that genuinely needs doing, and one other person willing to be a speaker. Set the timer for ten minutes. For the first five, the speaker asks, once a minute, “are you working hard?” For the second five, they switch to your name: “is Sam working hard?” No commentary, no encouragement, no jokes — the whole point of the 2017 study is that the voice was a recording and had no opinions.
Then swap. The interesting bit is not who worked harder. It is that saying somebody's own name back to them, flatly, once a minute, turns out to be a completely different experience from being asked about yourself — and you will both feel it long before you can explain it.
Boss level: do it with a five-year-old and a cape and see whether the cape or the name does more. Second boss level: run it in two different languages in the same household and see which one has to work hardest to make the switch.
Here is the question to walk out with. If the kindest, most sensible, most patient version of you is the one that only ever comes out for other people — where has it been all this time, and what would it take to get it to answer to your own name?
Where this comes from
- White, R. E., Prager, E. O., Schaefer, C., Kross, E., Duckworth, A. L., & Carlson, S. M. (2017). The “Batman Effect”: Improving Perseverance in Young Children. Child Development, 88(5), 1563–1571.
- Kross, E., Bruehlman-Senecal, E., Park, J., Burson, A., Dougherty, A., Shablack, H., Bremner, R., Moser, J., & Ayduk, O. (2014). Self-talk as a regulatory mechanism: How you do it matters. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 106(2), 304–324.
- Grossmann, I., & Kross, E. (2014). Exploring Solomon's Paradox: Self-Distancing Eliminates the Self-Other Asymmetry in Wise Reasoning About Close Relationships in Younger and Older Adults. Psychological Science, 25(8), 1571–1580.
- Moser, J. S., Dougherty, A., Mattson, W. I., Katz, B., Moran, T. P., Guevarra, D., Shablack, H., Ayduk, O., Jonides, J., Berman, M. G., & Kross, E. (2017). Third-person self-talk facilitates emotion regulation without engaging cognitive control. Scientific Reports, 7, 4519.
- Moran, T., & Eyal, T. (2022). Emotion Regulation by Psychological Distance and Level of Abstraction: Two Meta-Analyses. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 26(2), 112–159.
- Veraksa, A., Gavrilova, M., Bukhalenkova, D., Almazova, O., Veraksa, N., & Colliver, Y. (2021). Does Batman™ affect EF because he is benevolent or skilful? Early Child Development and Care, 191(10), 1567–1576.
- Nedergaard, J. S. K., & Lupyan, G. (2024). Not Everybody Has an Inner Voice: Behavioral Consequences of Anendophasia. Psychological Science, 35(7), 780–797.
- Lind, A. (2025). Are There Really People With No Inner Voice? Commentary on Nedergaard and Lupyan (2024). Psychological Science, 36(9), 765–767.
- Korba, R. J. (1990). The Rate of Inner Speech. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 71(3), 1043–1052.
- “LeBron James' post-decision interviews”, TrueHoop, ESPN, July 2010 (interview with Michael Wilbon).
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